Domestic violence is the most prevalent form of violence against women, occurring in every country worldwide, crossing social, economic, religious, and cultural boundaries. Domestic violence refers to a recurring pattern of behaviors within a relationship aimed at establishing or maintaining power and control over a partner(Frontiers | A Global Study into Indian Women's Experiences of Domestic Violence and Control: The Role of Patriarchal Beliefs, n.d.). It can involve physical, sexual, emotional, economic, or psychological abuse, including actions or threats that impact and manipulate the other person ( Franjić, 2023; Kunasagran et al., 2024). 

Domestic violence is not limited to a single act of violence but is a complex pattern of ongoing abuse (Domestic Violence against Women: Definitions, Epidemiology, Risk Factors and Consequences | Swiss Medical Weekly, n.d.). It is a social and legal concept broadly referring to any form of abuse (Domestic Violence | Definition, Statistics, & Hotline | Britannica, n.d.). This includes any conduct intended to intimidate, manipulate, humiliate, isolate, frighten, terrorize, coerce, threaten, blame, harm, or cause injury to another individual (OVW Fiscal Year 2024 State and Territory Domestic Violence and Sexual Assault Coalitions Program Solicitation, n.d.). It encompasses violence inflicted by spouses, family members, and is expressed through physical, sexual, psychological, and economic abuse (Sapkota et al., 2016a; “The Gateway to Well-Being and Happiness,” 2021). Men can experience abuse, and violence also occurs in non-heterosexual relationships; however, the majority of domestic violence victims are women, typically harmed by current or former male partners (Dey et al., 2024; Oram et al., 2017). 

The United Nations defines violence against women as any gender-based act that causes or has the potential to cause physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffering. This includes threats, coercion, or the unjust deprivation of freedom, whether in public or private settings (Basu, n.d.; Iftakhar Parvej et al., 2020; Socio-Economic, Behavioral, and Dietary Characteristics of Street Children in an Urban Area of Bangladesh: Child & Youth Services: Vol 46, No 3, n.d.). Intimate partner violence is a widespread form of violence against women, involving physical, sexual, and emotional abuse, along with controlling behaviors from a partner (García-Moreno & Stöckl, n.d.). Worldwide, nearly one in three women has faced physical and/or sexual violence at some point in their lives (Sexual Violence and Family Courts in England and Wales: Journal of Social Welfare and Family Law: Vol 0, No 0, n.d., p. 0). It is estimated that 27% of women aged 15–49 who have had a partner in their lifetime have experienced physical, sexual, or both forms of intimate partner violence (Global, Regional, and National Prevalence Estimates of Physical or Sexual, or Both, Intimate Partner Violence against Women in 2018 - The Lancet, n.d.).  

Domestic violence is a leading cause of death for women globally, claiming the lives of more than 50,000 women each year at the hands of partners or family members (Chowdhury et al., 2024). In Ethiopia, the lifetime incidence of domestic violence against women by a husband or intimate partner ranges from 20% to 78% (Semahegn & Mengistie, 2015). The lifetime prevalence of domestic violence among women was 38.6% in Nepal (Sapkota et al., 2016a).A study revealed that 36.4% of women in India experienced domestic violence (Garg et al., 2018). Nearly two out of five partnered women in the Middle East and North Africa experience domestic violence during their lifetime (Unsdg | Deep Wounds: In the Arab Region, Survivors of Gender-Based Violence Wonder Where to Turn, n.d.; Zero-BertXGB: An Empirical Technique for Abstract Classification in Systematic Reviews | IEEE Journals & Magazine | IEEE Xplore, n.d.). The highest lifetime prevalence of violence was reported in Turkey, at 89.3%. Lebanon (35%), Jordan (50%), and Yemen (54.5%) reported the lowest rates of lifetime violence. Jordan has been experiencing a continuous rise in the number of cases of violence against women for many years (Rana et al., 2021; Women in Jordan: Continuing Violence and Absent Protection', n.d.; Zahangir et al., 2025). Women in Jordan experience significant levels of violence across all types, including emotional, sexual, and physical abuse (Impact of the Influx of Syrian Refugees on Domestic Violence against Jordanian Women: Evidence from the 2017–18 Jordan Population and Family Health Survey | PLOS ONE, n.d.). A study revealed that 45% of women had experienced violence in their childhood, 55% had witnessed it, and almost 98% of the participants were subjected to at least one type of violence in Jordan (Al-Badayneh, 2012). Another study found that 25.9% of Jordanian women experienced domestic violence by their husbands at some point in their lives, with emotional violence being the most common at 20.6%, followed by physical violence at 17.5%, and sexual violence at 5.1% (Kheirallah et al., 2023, pp. 2017–2018). 

In Jordan, 21% of women reported experiencing physical violence from their partner or someone else, either within or outside the family, at least once since the age of 15 (Estimating the Economic Cost of Domestic Violence against Women in Jordan | United Nations in Jordan, n.d.). The findings of a study showed that 55.5% of women in urban areas and 44.5% of women in rural areas have faced spousal economic abuse (Alsawalqa, 2021; Md. R. Hossain et al., 2025). Determinants of violence against women include lower levels of education, low socio-economic status, younger age, alcohol abuse, a history of childhood abuse, exposure to parental violence, poor communication between partners, and residing in communities with deeply entrenched norms of masculine dominance (ViTDeBERTaNews: A Comparative Study of Single-Modal, Multimodal, and LLM Techniques for Detecting Fake News | IEEE Conference Publication | IEEE Xplore, n.d.; Ziaei et al., 2023). Women whose husbands consumed alcohol faced a significantly higher risk of experiencing domestic violence compared to those whose husbands did not (Begum et al., 2015). A study on domestic violence in Nigeria revealed a significant association with lower social class, alcohol consumption, greater age disparity between partners, and spousal unemployment (Factors Associated with Domestic Violence in South-East Nigeria - PubMed, n.d.). Women with controlling husbands and poor mental health were found to be at a higher risk of experiencing domestic violence in Nepal (R. Hossain et al., n.d.; Sapkota et al., 2016b). The objective of this study was to explore the factors such as, demographic factors, sexual violence, emotional violence and controlling behavior associated with domestic violence among Jordanian women. It aimed to assess the prevalence and patterns of domestic violence and understand its underlying causes. The study focused on identifying key variables that contributed to the occurrence of domestic violence. It also sought to provide insights into the experiences of women who had been exposed to such violence. The findings aimed to support efforts to address domestic violence and improve the well-being of affected women.

Study area and data collection

The purpose of this study was to investigating the prevalence of domestic violence and the factors associated to its occurrence among women in Jordan, a nation in the Southern Levant region of West Asia. Its western boundary is the Jordan river, and its neighbors include Saudi Arabia, Israel, Syria, Iraq, and the Palestinian territories. Amman is the largest city and capital. It is the eleventh most populous country in the Arab world, with 11.5 million people living in this nation covering 89,342 km² (31° 14′ 24″ N, 36° 30′ 36″ E) (Frontiers | A Global Study into Indian Women's Experiences of Domestic Violence and Control: The Role of Patriarchal Beliefs, n.d.; Satyen et al., 2024).  The data used in this research came from the Department of Statistics' (DoS) 2023 Jordan Population and Family Health Survey (JPFHS), which was carried out from January to June of 2023. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the World Health Organization (WHO), the World Food Programme (WFP), the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), and the Government of Jordan provided funding for the survey. ICF offered technical assistance through The DHS Program, a USAID-funded program that supports population and health survey implementation around the world (Jordan DHS, 2023 - Summary Report (English), n.d.).

Dependent variables 

Domestic violence is the dependent variable in the study, and it can be classified into three categories: no violence, low violence, and high violence. The frequency and severity of violent behavior reported by women in the survey were used to define these classifications. 

Explanatory variables 

In this study, 21 independent variables were taken into consideration. The independent variables were divided into four categories: demographic factors, sexual violence, emotional violence and controlling behavior. Demographic factors include, Respondent's current age (15 – 20, 21 – 25, 26 – 30, 31 – 35, > 35), Nationality (Jordanian, Syrian, Other), Region (Central, North, South), Type of place of residence (Rural, Urban), Socio economic status (Poor, Middle, Rich), Highest educational level (No education, Primary, Secondary, Higher), Husband/partner's age (15 – 25, 26 – 30, 31 – 35, 36 – 40, > 40), Husband/ partner's education level (No education, Primary, Secondary, Higher), Number of other wives (No, Yes), Currently residing with husband/partner (Living with her, Staying elsewhere), Total children ever born (1 – 2, 3 – 4, > 4), Number of living children (0 – 1, 2, 3, 4, >4), and Respondent worked in last 12 months (No, Yes). Sexual violence encompasses, Reason for not having sex: husband has other women (No, Yes) and Reason for not having sex: tired, not in mood (No, Yes).  Emotional violence includes, husband or family member pressured respondent to become pregnant (No, Yes). Finally, controlling behavior includes, Decision maker for using contraception (Respondent, Household, Joint decision), Person who usually decides on: respondent's health care (Respondent alone, Respondent and husband/partner, Husband/ partner alone), Those who usually makes choices related to major household purchases (Respondent alone, Respondent and husband/partner, Husband/ partner alone), visits to family or relatives (Respondent alone, Respondent and husband/partner, Husband/partner alone), and the disposition of husband's earnings (Respondent alone, Respondent and husband/partner, Husband/partner alone). Variables related to experiences of violence and justification were used to measure physical violence. These included situations in which respondents felt that physical violence was justified if the wife insulted her husband, disobeyed him, neglected the children, argued with him, burned food, went out without telling him, had sex with another man, or for any other reason. Experiences such as being slapped, hit or punched, physically threatened, mistreated or harmed, shouted at, humiliated, verbally threatened, or verbally mistreated in any other manner were also evaluated during visits to medical facilities.  

Study population

There were 3,892 women in the study, all of whom were at least 15 years old. Among them, 3,088 (79.3%) were Jordanian, 668 (17.2%) were Syrian, and 136 (3.5%) belonged to other groupings. Geographically, the Central region had 1,459 women (37.5%), the North had 1,545 women (39.7%), and the South had 888 women (22.8%). In this group, 1,295 women (33.3%) reported low levels of domestic violence, 345 women (8.9%) reported high levels of domestic violence, and 2,252 women (57.9%) reported no experience of domestic violence (Table 1, Supplementary Material Section).   

Statistical analysis 

Initially, the frequency distributions of important variables, such as demographic factors, sexual violence, emotional violence, controlling behavior and domestic violence, were compiled using descriptive statistics. The relationships between the independent variables and domestic violence were then investigated using chi-square tests. In a multinomial logistic regression model, variables that demonstrated significant associations (p-value < 0.05) in the chi-square analysis were incorporated. 

This model was used to determine the variables that had a significant association to the probability of both low and high levels of domestic violence as compared to no violence. To measure the magnitude and direction of these associations, the results are shown as odds ratios (OR) with 95% confidence intervals (CI). SPSS software was used for all analyses in this study. 

Ethical Consideration

The 2023 Jordan Mini Demographic and Health Survey (2023 JMDHS) women's records were the data source for this investigation(The DHS Program - Jordan: DHS, 2023 - Final Report (English), n.d.). The Department of Statistics (DoS) administered the 2023 Jordan Population and Family Health Survey (JPFHS) from January to June 2023.  The JPFHS was funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the Government of Jordan, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), the World Health Organization (WHO), and the World Food Programme (WFP).  ICF provided technical assistance through The DHS Program, a USAID-funded initiative that provides support and technical assistance in implementing population and health surveys in countries worldwide. (The DHS Program - Jordan: DHS, 2023 - Final Report (English), n.d.).  

Fig. 1 exhibits the disparities in domestic violence across various demographic groups in Jordan. Younger women, specifically those aged 15 to 25 years, reported elevated rates of violence (p < 0.05), with women residing in rural areas experiencing substantially higher levels of violence compared to their urban counterparts (p < 0.001).  

Fig. 1: The percentage of domestic violence in various demographic features of Jordan.

Fig. 2 shows the variations in physical violence among different demographic groups in Jordan. Younger women aged 15 to 25 and individuals residing in rural areas exhibit the most considerable prevalence rates (p < 0.05, p < 0.001). Violence is more prevalent among low-income populations and in regions such as Central and Northern areas (p < 0.01). Education and collaborative decision-making substantially mitigate violence (p < 0.01, p < 0.001). Fig. 1 Illustrates the incidence of violence was significantly elevated in the Central and Northern regions compared to the Southern region (p < 0.01). Women with low socio-economic status and limited educational attainment encountered the most significant risks (p < 0.01, p < 0.001), whereas higher levels of education were associated with a decreased prevalence of these risks. Collaborative decision-making regarding financial matters, contraception, and mobility demonstrated a significant protective effect (p < 0.01). The results of Table 1 (Supplementary Material Section) present the respondents frequency distribution by background characteristics. Most of the respondents are between the ages of 26 and 30 (29.2%), followed by those between the ages of 31 and 35 (25.5%) and over 35 (24.0%), with smaller percentages in the 21–25 (17.3%) and 15-20 (3.9%) age groups. A large percentage of participants (80.1%) live in urban areas, while only 19.9% live in rural areas. Geographically, participants are mostly from the North (39.7%) and Central (37.5%), with the South accounting for 22.8% of the total. From Table 1 (Supplementary Material Section) it is implies that in terms of education, many participants have completed secondary school (56.0%), followed by higher (33.8%), primary (7.7%) and no education (2.6%). Many partners (64.3%) have a secondary education, followed by a higher education (21.1%), primary education (11.7%) and no education (2.9%). Most of the participants (56.7%) are classified as having a poor socioeconomic status, while a smaller percentage are in the rich (22.4%) and middle (20.8%) groups that shown in Table 1 (Supplementary Material Section).  Most participants had 3-4 children born (40.1%) and 3 children alive (22.6%). About 90.3% of participants reported never having been the victim of physical violence, compared to 9.7% who had. Additionally, 7.9% of respondents said their husband or a family member had put pressure on them to get pregnant. Most of the participants stated that they and their spouse or partner jointly decide on matters such as their health care (71.7%), major household purchases (74.5%), visits to family or relatives (78.5%), and what to do with their husband's earnings (72.2%). Regarding domestic violence, 8.9% of participants reported high levels of violence, while 33.3% reported low levels, suggesting that different levels of domestic violence can have a substantial negative influence on the physical and mental well-being of those impacted. 

Fig. 2: The percentage of Physical violence in various demographic features of Jordan.

Fig. 3 depicts the variations in emotional violence among different demographic groups in Jordan. Younger women aged 15 to 25 and individuals residing in rural areas exhibit the most significant prevalence rates (p < 0.05, p < 0.001). Violence is more prevalent among low-income populations and in regions such as Central and Northern areas (p < 0.01). From Fig. 3 it is implies that Women with no formal education or only primary education experience elevated rates of violence, whereas increased autonomy and higher levels of education are associated with a significant reduction in such violence (p < 0.01, p < 0.001). Targeted interventions are of paramount importance.

Table 2 ((Supplementary Material Section)) summarizes the findings of the chi-square test, which was used to assess the relationships between domestic violence and the different explanatory factors among the respondents in Jordan. The result showed significant association between domestic violence and respondent age, residence, region, respondent education level, socioeconomic status, husband/partner's education level, total children ever born, number of living children, respondent worked in last 12 months, number of other wives, nationality, physical violence, reason for not having sex: tired, not in mood, husband or family member pressured respondent to become pregnant, decision maker for using contraception, person who usually decides on: respondent's health care, person who usually decides on: large household purchases, person who usually decides on: visits to family or relatives and person who usually decides on: what to do with money husband earns. From Table 2, it is observed that Domestic violence is significantly influenced by age. 

Fig. 3: The percentage of Emotional violence in various demographic features of Jordan.

Respondents between the ages of 15 and 20 had the highest rates of high violence (12.6%), which gradually declined as respondents aged, with those between the ages of 26 and 30 having the lowest rate (6.8%). Conversely, respondents between the ages of 26 and 30 had the highest prevalence of low violence (34.3%), while those over 35 saw a gradual decline to 32.2% (Chi-square = 18.131, P-value < 0.05). Domestic violence is more common in rural areas, as evidenced by the higher prevalence of low and high violence in rural areas (37.0% and 12.3%, respectively) as opposed to urban areas (32.4% and 8.0%, respectively) (Chi-square = 24.948, P-value < 0.05). The central region has higher rates of both low and high violence (35.0% and 11.4%, respectively), whereas the south region has lower rates of both (27.4% and 7.5%) (Chi-square = 42.484, P-value < 0.05). Respondents with no education (30%) are more likely to experience high levels of violence than those with higher education (4.2%). In addition, the prevalence of low violence is higher among respondents who have no education (33%) than among those who have secondary education (34.6%) and higher education (32.1%) (Chi-square = 131.519, P-value < 0.05). Respondents whose husbands or partners have no education are more likely to experience high levels of violence (19.5%), followed by those with primary education (14.7%), secondary education (8.9%), and the least amount of education (3.9%) (Chi-square = 84.878, P-value < 0.05), and the results are summarized in Table 2. This pattern raises the possibility that higher rates of domestic violence are linked to lower educational attainment. Families from lower socioeconomic classes are more likely to experience both low and high levels of violence than middle-class and wealthy families, suggesting that financial stress and associated factors may be a contributing factor to the higher prevalence of domestic violence (Chi-square = 131.519, P-value < 0.05). Fig. 4 presents notable discrepancies in demographic characteristics throughout Jordan, as indicated by the p-values. Younger age cohorts (15–25 years) exhibit significantly different trends in comparison to elder cohorts (p < 0.05).

Fig. 4: The percentage of various demographic features of Jordan.

Significant regional disparities are evident, specifically among the Central, Northern, and Southern regions (p < 0.01). Fig. 4, revealed that Rural regions demonstrate unique demographic characteristics compared to urban environments (p < 0.001), indicative of socio-economic disparities. Lesser-income groups are predominant within specific demographics, and lesser levels of education are more frequently observed segments (p < 0.01, p < 0.001). Strategic interventions in education, rural development, and economic empowerment are imperative for mitigating these demographic disparities. From Fig. 5, which demonstrates the prevalence of domestic violence across the various governorates of Jordan, indicating notable disparities as evidenced by the p-values. Elevated rates have been recorded in Irbid and Zarqa (p < 0.01, p < 0.001), indicative of the prevailing economic and demographic pressures. Amman and Balqa exhibit moderate rates (p < 0.05), whereas the southern governorates, such as Karak and Ma'an, demonstrate lower rates, potentially attributable to the presence of community cohesion. Rural regions consistently exhibit elevated levels of violence in comparison to urban areas (p < 0.001).

The results in Table 2 (Supplementary Material Section) present that the Respondents with 1-2 children (34.2%) are more likely to have low levels of violence, followed by those with 3–4 children (32.4%) and those with more than 4 children (33.5%). This suggests that the prevalence of low levels of violence is largely constant across child counts.

However, those with more than four children are more likely to experience high levels of violence (11.4%), compared to 7.5% for those with 1-2 children and 8.4% for those with 3-4 children. This implies that a higher risk of high levels of violence may be associated to a larger number of children (Chi-square = 12.727, P-value < 0.05).

Fig. 5: The percentage of domestic violence in various demographic regions of Jordan. 

From Table 2 (Supplementary Material Section) it is implies that the prevalence of both low and high violence is higher among respondents who have other wives (38.8% and 13.6%, respectively) than among those who do not have other wives (33.1% and 8.7%, respectively). This implies that both low and high levels of violence are more likely to occur when one has more wives (Chi-square = 8.034, P-value < 0.05). Those who have been physically abused are more likely to experience low and high levels of violence (37.6% and 11.4%, respectively) than those who have not (32.8% and 8.6%, respectively) (Chi-square = 8.647, P-value < 0.05). Moreover, high violence is more prevalent among respondents pressured by their husband or family members to become pregnant (14%) compared to those not pressured (8%). When respondents' husbands or partners make decisions about household purchases (37%), family visits (36.9%), and finances (37.8%), low violence is slightly more common than when respondents make decisions alone or in together with their husband or partners that shown in Table 2 (Supplementary Material Section). The prevalence of high violence is higher among respondents who have their husband or partner make all the decisions, such as financial decisions (14.9%), family visits (19.4%), and household purchases (14.6%), than among those who make decisions together (7.3%, 7%, and 6.8%, respectively). High rates of violence are also less common in situations where respondents make decisions on their own, such as financial decisions (10.7%), family visits (10.9%), and household purchases (11.8%). 

Factors influencing domestic violence among Jordanian women

Multinomial logistic regression is employed as a multivariate analysis to identify the factors that significantly influence the demographic domestic violence in Jordan, as illustrated in Table 3 (Supplementary Material Section). There is a significantly higher risk of domestic violence among younger people, as respondents between the ages of 21 and 25 were 1.726 times higher likely to experience high levels of domestic violence than those over 35 (Odds =1.726, p < 0.05). In terms of nationality, respondents who were Syrian had 0.602 times lower odds of experiencing low level of domestic violence than the other (Odds =0.602, p < 0.05). The odds of respondents living in rural areas experiencing low and high levels of domestic violence were 1.481 and 2.45 times higher, respectively, than those living in urban areas, suggesting that rural areas are more vulnerable to domestic violence (Odds = 1.481 and 2.45, p < 0.05). From Table 3 (Supplementary Material Section), It is observed that in comparison to respondents from the South, those from the Central and North regions were 1.676 and 1.582 times more likely to report low levels of violence, respectively (Odds =1.676 and 1.582, p < 0.05). There is a significantly higher risk in the Central region, as respondents from the North and Central regions had odds of experiencing high violence that were 1.445 and 2.246 times higher, respectively, than those from the South (Odds =1.445 and 2.246, p < 0.05). There was a significant association between lower education levels and an increase in high violence, as respondents with no education, primary education, and secondary education had odds of experiencing high violence that were 5.764, 2.255, and 1.501 times higher, respectively, than those with higher education (Odds =5.764, 2.255, and 1.501, p < 0.05). In addition, the likelihood of experiencing low levels of violence was 2.001 times higher for respondents with no education than for those with higher education (Odds =2.001, p < 0.05). Table 3 (Supplementary Material Section) revealed that the odds of experiencing high levels of violence were 1.821 and 1.596 times higher for respondents whose husbands or partners had completed primary and secondary school, respectively, than for those who had completed higher education (Odds =1.821 and 1.596, p < 0.05). Moreover, respondents whose husbands or partners had completed secondary school were 1.356 times more likely to experience low levels of domestic violence than for those who had completed higher education (Odds =1.356, p < 0.05). 

Participants who reported not being too tired or not in the mood to have sex were 1.516 times more likely to experience high levels of domestic violence than those who did not (Odds =1.516, p < 0.05). Compared to respondents who were under pressure to get pregnant, those who were not under pressure from their spouse or family members were 0.583 times less likely to experience high levels of domestic violence (Odds =0.583, p < 0.05). The probability of experiencing low and high levels of domestic violence was 0.778 and 0.713 times lower, respectively, for respondents who made the decision about contraception alone as opposed to those who made the decision jointly (Odds =0.778 and 0.713, p < 0.05), and the results are summarised in Table 3 (Supplementary Material Section). Consequently, respondents who chose to visit family or relatives with their spouse or partner were 0.47 times less likely to experience domestic violence than those whose husband or partner made the decision alone (Odds =0.47, p < 0.05). The odds of experiencing low domestic violence were 0.592 times lower for respondents who made decisions about their husband's earnings alone, and the odds of experiencing high domestic violence were 0.695 times lower for respondents who made decisions with their spouse or partner (Odds =0.592 and 0.695, p < 0.05).  

The objective of this study was to determine the prevalence and factors associated with domestic violence among Jordanian women using data from the 2023 Jordan Population and Family Health Survey (JPFHS). According to our results, respondents from Syria were 0.602 times less likely than those from other countries to report low levels of domestic violence. However, respondents from the Central and North regions were substantially more likely to report both low and high levels of violence than those from the South, with odds of 2.246 and 1.445 for high violence and 1.676 and 1.582 for low violence, respectively. 

A study conducted in the same country reported, women in the North and South were less likely than those in the Central region to experience emotional, physical, and sexual domestic violence ((PDF) Domestic Violence against Women in Jordan: Analysis of the Demographic and Health Survey Dataset 2017-2018, n.d., pp. 2017–2018). The result showed that, respondents between the ages of 21 and 25 were 1.726 times more likely than those over 35 to experience high levels of domestic violence, indicating a substantially greater likelihood of domestic violence among younger women. According to a study conducted in Zimbabwe, women between the ages of 40 and 49 were found to be less likely to experience domestic violence, suggesting that being in this age range serves as a protective factor (Violence Against Women and Girls in Zimbabwe: A Review of a Decade of the Empirical Literature - Annah V. Bengesai, Lana Chikhungu, 2024, n.d.). Similarly, Women who get married younger are much more likely to experience physical and sexual intimate partner violence than women who get married later in low- and middle-income nations (Coll et al., 2023). Another study supporting our findings revealed that young and adolescent women are much more likely than older women to be victims of intimate partner violence (Stöckl et al., 2014). These results have been associated to notable power disparities, especially when younger girls from poorer households with less education marry older, better-educated, and financially secure men. Because of this discrepancy, young women frequently have less autonomy and influence in their relationships, which makes them more susceptible to violence from intimate partners (Stöckl et al., 2014). 

The likelihood of suffering from low and high levels of domestic violence was 2.45 and 1.481 times higher for respondents in rural areas than for those in urban areas, respectively. This finding shows that rural areas are more vulnerable to domestic violence, possibly because of socioeconomic and cultural factors.  It is consistent with a systematic review done in Ethiopia, that women in rural areas had a higher risk of domestic violence than their counterparts(Semahegn & Mengistie, 2015). Intimate partner violence (IPV) and the frequency and intensity of physical abuse are both substantially higher among rural women (Peek-Asa et al., 2011). The differences in domestic violence between rural and urban areas can be ascribed to a number of factors, including lower financial empowerment, higher unemployment rates, and restricted access to resources for women in rural areas, all of which increase vulnerability and dependency (Singh, 2024). To address these disparities, it is necessary to create focused interventions and make IPV resources more accessible in rural areas, ensuring that women in these areas get the assistance and safety they require (Saffari et al., 2017).

Based on our results, a greater likelihood of experiencing domestic violence was substantially correlated with lower educational attainment for both women and their partners. The odds of experiencing high levels of violence were 5.764, 2.255, and 1.501 times higher for respondents with no education, primary education, and secondary education, respectively, than for those with higher education. Similarly, the likelihood of both high and low levels of domestic violence was also higher for respondents whose spouses or partners had only completed primary or secondary school, with odds ranging from 1.356 to 1.821, than for those whose partners had higher education. According to an Iranian study that demonstrated education as a protective factor, revealing higher education levels for both women and their partners were associated to a lower risk of domestic violence ((PDF) Psychosocial Effect of Domestic Violence on Women in Bangladesh: A Study on Jashore District, n.d.). Similarly, expanding women's access to higher education may help Bangladeshi women live more independently and experience less domestic violence (Weitzman, 2018). In addition, women in Peru were less likely to experience psychological, physical, and sexual intimate partner violence in the short and long term when their level of education increased (Bhatt et al., 2023). 

The result of this study also showed, participants who stated that feeling too tired or in the mood was not a reason for avoiding sex were 1.516 times more likely to experience high levels of domestic violence than those who cited this reason. It suggests that family disputes or a partner's domineering behavior may be the cause of a woman's unwillingness to have sex, which could lead to an increase in domestic violence. According to a study done in Nepal, the likelihood of unwanted sex and violence against women was considerably raised by frequent arguments and poor relationship with husbands (Jafarzade et al., 2023). Additionally, unwillingness to have sex was the most common type of sexual violence, affecting 49% of a survey respondent. This brings to light an important problem where women may feel forced or compelled to engage in sexual activity against their will. Such incidents can lead to conflicts, emotional distress, and heightened susceptibility to additional acts of violence (JASINSKI, 2001). 

The likelihood of experiencing high levels of domestic violence was lower among respondents who were not under pressure from their spouse or family to become pregnant, indicating that external forces associated with pregnancy may raise the risk of abuse. According to a study, having a first pregnancy and unintended or unwanted pregnancies were both substantially related to a higher risk of violence against intimate partners (Shamu et al., 2018). Following to a Zimbabwean study, women between the ages of 15 and 49 who experienced intimate partner violence (IPV) in the 12 months prior to becoming pregnant were more likely to become unplanned pregnancy and to have their prenatal care delayed (Campo, n.d.). Unwanted pregnancies frequently result from abusive relationships, which can cause low birth weight, preterm birth, and postpartum depression, among other negative birth outcomes (Miller & Silverman, 2010). To prevent forced pregnancy, women must be educated about reproductive coercion and encouraged to use contraception that are less vulnerable to partner interference. Healthcare professionals should be educated to spot the warning signs of intimate partner violence and reproductive coercion so that impacted women can get the help and resources they need (Williams et al., 2008). The chance of experiencing both low and high levels of domestic violence was lower for participants who made the decision about contraception alone than for those who made the decision with their partner. The likelihood of women not using their preferred method of contraception is higher when they are subjected to emotional and physical abuse (Stephenson et al., 2008). In contrast, women who choose to use contraceptives on their own are more likely to experience intimate partner violence (Ojha & Babbar, 2024).  Similar to this, a woman in India is much more likely to experience emotional, sexual, and physical domestic violence if she chooses to use contraceptives on her own (Zegenhagen et al., 2019; Yesmen et al., 2023).

The findings demonstrated that the probability of experiencing domestic violence was considerably reduced when respondents and their husbands collaborated to decide how to handle the husband's income and when to visit family members. In contrast, there was a greater chance of domestic violence when the husband made all of the decisions, highlighting the detrimental effects of unequal power dynamics in partnerships. A study conducted in Uganda showed women were more likely to experience intimate partner violence (IPV) if men controlled the decision-making process for major household purchases and the use of their earnings, whereas women's autonomy and joint decision-making were associated with a lower risk of IPV (Zegenhagen et al., 2019). Similarly, women in Ethiopia who collaborated with their spouses or partners to make decisions were less likely to experience domestic violence than those who had little control over domestic decision-making (Ebrahim & Atteraya, 2019). Moreover, increased involvement in household decision-making is closely associated with a lower rate of wife-beating justification in Mali, underscoring the significance of interventions that enable women to increase their participation in decision-making in order to decrease the justification of domestic violence (Seidu et al., 2022). 

The objective of this study was to determine the prevalence and factors associated with domestic violence against women in Jordan. Finding revealed that women in rural areas and younger women were more likely to experience domestic violence. Education acted as a protective factor, indicating higher education for both women and their husband reduced the risk of domestic violence against women. Additionally, joint decision-making between respondents and their husbands in household matters such as spending, finances, and visits reduced the risk of domestic violence. The likelihood of domestic violence was raised by emotional and sexual factors, such as pressure to get pregnant or refusal to have sex. These results demonstrate the intricate sociocultural and economic elements that influence domestic violence in Jordan. The study has drawbacks in spite of its advantages. Respondents may underreport or misrepresent their experiences, which could lead to recall and social desirability biases when self-reported data is used. It is also impossible to draw conclusions about the causal relationship between risk factors for domestic violence and the study's cross-sectional design. Furthermore, cultural norms may influence women's willingness to report violent experiences, which could result in an underestimation of the prevalence. However, this research provides insightful information about domestic violence in Jordan through rigorous analyses and nationally representative data, and its insights can direct focused interventions to decrease violence. In Jordan, domestic violence is a serious problem that requires a multipronged strategy that includes economic empowerment, legal enforcement, and education.  

The datasets used and analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author.

M.R.H. and K.H.: conceptualized and designed the study, supervised, and framed the hypothesis, extracted data, conducted the statistical analysis, revised, and drafted the manuscript. M.R.H.; and T.A.S.: conducted a literature review, tabulated results, and drafted the manuscript. K.H.; M.R.H.; T.A.S.: revised and drafted the manuscript. M.R.H.: conceptualized the study, supervised the project, and critically reviewed the manuscript. All authors have read the manuscript and agreed with the Authorship order that the work is ready for submission to the Journal.

We are very much grateful to the Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) Program for their data. 

The authors declared that they have no conflict of interest regarding this paper.