Bangladesh is a South Asian country, which is cons-tantly going through various changes and catas-trophes, especially in the Chittagong Hill Tracts region because of its diverse ethnic composition and unique geographical features. This region is also endured with natural resources and has borders with India and Myanmar. So, there are too many variables surround-ing this region of Bangladesh which makes its social circumstances that much unique from the rest of the country. Bengalis started migrating and living in CHT since the British colonizers bought this previously uncharted area under taxation. However, those Bengalis and the indigenous populations seem to live in relative coherence until the government initiatives migrated flocks of Bengalis to CHT after the birth of Bangladesh in 1971, who are referred to as ‘Settler Bengalis. This coupled with the governments failure to give indigenous identity as separate from Bengali identity generated dissatisfaction among the indi-genous communities. Since then there has been continuous conflict amongst the indigenous population and the settler population. Now, the ethnic conflict in CHT has become a major concern for Bangladesh and we are no closer to solving this problem than we were 50 years ago. Therefore, we have to address the ethnic crisis in CHT soon, or we may lose the countrys most distinctive, culturally, and socially affluent area and dilute our heritage.

Working in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, here, I had the additional challenge of gaining access to indigenous territories. Its not an easy task to stroll into a remote indigenous community and talk about, such pressing issues as, the Peace Accord or their relationship with settler Bengalis. They look at strangers with suspicion. And they have good reasons for that. Because of the tension between Bengali settlers and indigenous communities, its not surprising that indigenous people are suspicious of outsiders. I found the best way to avoid any suspicion is to have someone from the indigenous community introduce you. So, the field area was selected in relation to our local contracts.  

I choose my respondents randomly. Although, I had some idea about the range of people I would like to talk to. As my goal was to find some kind of formula that could reduce hostility between Bengalis and the indigenous populations living in CHT and make their co-existence harmonic, I wanted to talk to members belonging to both tribal and Bengali communities. I, also, wanted to speak with government officials. I thought this would allow me to get a sense of the administrative thoughts on the issue of managing diversity and establishing peace in CHT. In addition, I wanted to meet with local government officials, indi-genous authority figures like headmen and karbaris . 

3. Ethnic Communities and Conflict in CHT

Growing up watching and reading Bengali news outlets, I always saw the Chittagong Hill Tracts being represented as a political and ethnic violence-infested area. So, when I first went to CHT for field research, I was considerably nervous. However, my experience was different from anything I was expecting. I only collected enjoyable memories, pleasant conversations, and knowledge about indigenous populations every-day life that I didnt usually see on media. This experience was also true for my last visit to CHT when I conducted fieldwork in all three of its districts (Bandarban, Rangamati, and Khagrachhari). None-theless, there is any way to doubt the presence of political and social instability in this hilly region. I first went to the Chittagong Hill Tracts as a second-year undergraduate student to study the livelihood pattern of indigenous communities in Lama, Bandar-ban. Ever since my first encounter with the indigenous populations residing in CHT, Ive been fascinated by their close contact with nature in their daily lifestyle, livelihood, rituals, and ceremonies. And, in order to preserve their natural way of living and cultural authenticity, we need to give them their space and sense of security so they can carry on with their traditional ways. But, the ever scaling ethnic conflict situation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts is pushing the indigenous population further away from the safety and security of their ancestral land and, at the same time, obliterating the chance to resolute ethnic conflict to achieve peace in CHT.  

Bangladesh government recognizes 12 ethnic groups living in the Hill Tracts. They are Bawn/Bawm, Chak, Chakma, Khyang, Khumi, Lushei/Lushai, Marma (Maghs), Mrus/Mro (Moorangs), Pangkhua/Pankhua, Tangchangya, Tipperas (Tipras), and Bengalis (Minis-try of Health and Family Welfare, 2011). They all have their distinctive languages, culture, religious beliefs, and social customs. So, it is understandable that there might be some tension among the diverse ethnic communities. But, the troubling matter is ethnic conflict in CHT has become a conflict between indigenous communities and the Bengali community.

The nature of ethnic conflict in CHT is inlaid in its history (Shelly, 1992; Mohsin, 2002; Nasreen and Togawa, 2002; Uddin, 2012). The CHT was mostly an inaccessible area until the British colonial government decided to bring it under taxation in 1760 (Uddin, 2012). This was the beginning of outside torment for the native populations, who never known oppression or extortion before. The British employed Bengali officials to see through this process. So, the relation-ship between the indigenous populations and the Bengali population began in an unfavorable condition. Ever since then, there has been tension between these two groups.

Nonetheless, at the beginning of the 20th century, the British rulers declared the Chittagong Hill Tracts as restricted. This action provided the British Govern-ment the opportunity to freely extract resources from CHT and prevented indigenous populations from being acquainted with Bengali politics, economy, and social organizations (Haque, 2015). So, when Bangla-desh became an independent country in 1971, the indigenous populations were out of their depth to understand how to navigate themselves within the newly founded nation. The government of Bangladesh did help with the transition when they asked indi-genous communities to leave their distinct ethnic identity and become part of the Bengali identity (Haque, 2015; Mohsin, 2002). 

In Addition, the government found different excuses to relocate thousands of Bengalis and set up numerous military camps to CHT without any consultations with its native residents whose ancestral land they were taking over. This, along with the Bangladeshi govern-ments failure to recognize indigenous identity as separate from Bengali identity, led to the formation of PCJSS. The goal of this organization was to uphold the collective rights of indigenous populations and establish Jumma identity   (Mohsin, 2002; PCJSS, 2020).

PCJSSs movement gradually transformed into a 20 year long armed conflict in CHT that came to an end in 1997 through signing a peace treaty between PCJSS (Political organization of indigenous peoples) and the government of Bangladesh. So, the treaty was signed over two decades ago, but ethnic conflict in CHT only seems to get worse with time. One of the main com-ponents for constant conflict in CHT is that the peace treaty hasnt yet been fully implemented (The Daily Star, December 3, 2020; The Daily Star, December 2, 2016; Mohsin, 2003). 

This is creating frustration and agony among the indigenous population.  The 1997 Peace Treaty is also responsible for creating chaos amidst the indigenous populations themselves. A part of PCJSS did not think the treaty was fair to the indigenous populations. So they established UPDF . Since then the hostility between PCJSS and UPDF is causing conflict within the indigenous communities and stalling indigenous communitys ability to represent their undivided Jumma identity (Bashar, 2011).

Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Mro, Bawm, Pangkhu, Khyang, Khumi, Chak, Lushai, Tanchangya populations compose the major demographic arena in CHT, or at least that was the case. According to PCJSS, the Bengali population in CHT is rising at an unprecedented rate. If this rate continues the Bengalis would, if not already, become the majority in CHT that has historically been a foreground for indigenous inhabitants in Bangladesh.

The crisis in this hilly region has escalated since the emergence of Rohingya refugees in this border area. As the Rohingya population has more similarities to the Bengali population in terms of their physical features, language, and religion, it is easier for them to represent themselves as Bengalis. This has initiated new uncertainties and distrust among the indigenous populations residing in CHT. The members of indi-genous communities, Ive talked to, described it as an imminent threat to their existence. They asserted the government might use Rohingya people to diminish indigenous ethnic identity even further.

Another constantly rising issue is the grabbing of indigenous communities land in the name of promot-ing tourism and development. During field research, I went to visit the Jhagrabil Mouza, the selected site for Rangamati Science and Technology University, and the local indigenous people, Id talked to, were not happy about the decision at all. In fact, the Chakma, Marma, and Tanchangya ethnic communities living in this region have been opposing the idea since the announcement came in 2001 and made multiple unsuccessful appeals to the government of Bangladesh (Saha, 2020; Barman and Chakma, 2010).

In Jhagrabil, I had an hour long conversation with a middle age woman sipping tea and watching Indian-Bangla Television series on a 16 inch LED TV. She told me, 

“We will never get any compensation if the government establishes a university building on our land; the Bengalis will take over everything. They will cut down our trees and they will push us further into the forests. Then, how will we survive.” 

Other people at the tea stall nodded in agreement with her. It seems to me they have lost their faith in the governmental procedures and promises.  The unique lifestyle of indigenous populations comes from their closeness with nature and the land they live on. But, time and time again they have lost their ancestral land in the hands of outsiders, the land upon which their survival depends on and they are not even part of the decision making process. Also, not every member of indigenous communities is aware of what the Peace Accord actually says. Their statement is that the accord was supposed to return their ancestral land, rehabilitate populations who were displaced during the civil war, remove military force from their grounds (The Peace Accord, 1997) and bring a sense of peace and stability to the Hill Tracts. A karbari in Rayna-chari in Rangamati said,

 “I dont know what the peace accord says. I dont understand the processes. I just want my ancestral land back. But, I dont know whether its going to happen on not.”

Indigenous peoples are constantly fearful of the military and lack of accountability toward military actions. Also, the unspoken alliance between the mili-tary force and the Bengali community is a massive concern to indigenous safety and security. Prue Marma from Thanchi, Bandarban says, 

“The military is one Bengali communitys side. They guard Bengalis when they take over our land. As long as they are here, the Bengalis wont slow down.”

So, the situation of Chittagong Hill Tracts doesnt seem to get any better over time and the newly infused variables are only making the situation more condense. According to PCJSS, there were 47 land related conflicts in CHT (PCJSS, 2021). Therefore we need to look for new grounds to break the tension between the indigenous communities and the Bengali settler community.

4. How Can We Resolve Ethnic Conflict in CHT?

Given the circumstances in CHT, resolving ethnic conflict and introducing peace and integration seems a far fetching idea. There are so much mistrust and misunderstanding all around the hills. This situation needs to change before we can talk about building peace. During my study, Ive talked to government officials, indigenous community leaders, and general CHT inhabitants about their opinion on how to reduce conflict in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Below is a recapitulation of the information Ive received from my respondents. 

• First of all, the government needs to implement the 1997 peace accord to earn back the trust and confidence of our indigenous populations, so they dont feel detained in their own ancestral land.

• The government needs to include indigenous populations into decision making process. Democratically elected representatives at the administrative level would give people the comfort of knowing their voices are being heard.

• The Chittagong Hill Tracts is a border region. Therefore, the government seems reluctant to remove military forces from the area. However, the government should immediately set strong parameters for military movement and, also, has to hold the military accountable for their actions inside and around all ethnic communities.

• It is evident from the above discussion that indigenous communities perceive the army as a negative force, only there to charge in the com-mand of Bengali settlers. And the indigenous communities have good reasons behind this perception. Diversifying the military force with more indigenous people could be one way to give everyone similar faith in the army and not see them as threats.

• The two political organizations of indigenous populations, PCJSS and UPDF, need to work out their differences and come together. They need to present a united front so the national authority cannot use their conflict as an excuse to prolong military existence within indigenous territories.

• The government and local administration should be more transparent about their refugee manage-ment initiatives to eliminate any sense of threat to indigenous identity.  

• Most of the Bengali settlers who move to CHT have little to no knowledge about the importance of the traditional lifestyle of our indigenous population on our cultural diversity and our environment. Therefore, the government should endorse educational programs for Bengali settlers so they can learn, understand and appre-ciate the rich history, traditions of indigenous peoples and their importance in preserving the natural environment.

• Both Pharis and Settler Bengalis should be educated about the history of conflict, so they can find a common ground upon which they can build peace among themselves.

The Chittagong Hill Tracts has a long and winding history of ethnic conflict. So, understandably peace and integration are going to take some time to achieve. But, the scary part is we dont seem to be any closer to achieving that goal than we were in 1997. The people of Chittagong Hill Tracts need to see some progress so they can believe peace and harmonious existence is possible. The government needs to honor their promise to the indigenous populations and give them back their ancestral land, recognize their indigenous identity as separate from Bengali identity, remove the supreme power of the military from CHT. This will eliminate indigenous populations fear that they might lose their land and identity at any moment and give them the stability to integrate among themselves. At the same time, the settler population needs to be made aware of the authentic heritage of the hilly region. These provisions may just create an environment within which integration and peace can blossom in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.  

Author would like to thank the Department of Anthropology of Dhaka University and Professor Dr. Saifur Rashid for providing financial and creative support and the general people, admunistrative officials of Bandarban, Rangamati and Khagrachhari for their generous cooperation.

There is no conflict of interest from the authors end.